[NLA] (A few corrections) A More Perfect Union
George E. Demetrion
sophocles5 at juno.com
Tue Mar 5 23:58:21 EST 2002
My spell check went a bit haywire. Let me post this with the right words
in place (GD).
______________________________________________________________
(Unavoidably lengthy. If interested, I would suggest printing it out and
reading when time is available).
Tom and others
First Tom, thanks for your comments.
Clearly, for a variety of reasons, a broad-based inclusive consensus is
problematic in such a pluralistic country as the US for a number of key
reasons. This has been discussed so I won't belabor that here. Though I
would say, with Merrifield and others, notwithstanding the difficulties I
see little choice but in pursuit of such consensus at least at the level
of affecting national policy and public opinion.
Such consensus seeking does not mean that I surrender my own
understanding of literacy or give up on my peculiar approach to
practice, but that in Rawlsean terms, I participate in an "Overlapping
Consensus" if the framework for that is based on sound principles and
effective practices (of coalition building, network strengthening, and
policy influencing).
In this scenario, I adhere to my (what Rawls refers to as) more
"comprehensive doctrines (e.g., critical pedagogy, philosophical
pragmatism, "scientific-based" research (or whatever) with as much rigor
as I can muster at the level of my own praxis. I also seek to inject my
perspective within the particular spheres of influence that are available
to me and even to seek to influence the body politic or the community of
adult literacy scholars and practitioners to the extent I am able,
without basing my willingness to participate on the efficacy of such
influence.
Yet in entering the public square in collaboration with others,
particularly in seeking to influence national policy, I need to assume a
more minimalist position *with regards to strengthening a viable
consensus* amongst people of diverse ideological persuasions.
Historically, such an approach has been a basis of much consensus
building, which I believe characterizes much of the good work of the
National Coalition for Literacy. However, such consensus has often been
built on a somewhat narrow interest politics, which unwittingly or not,
typically reinforces a cost-benefit utilitarian mindset.
With Rawls, as well as with others, notably Robert Bellah and his
colleagues in Habits of the Heart and The Good Society (must reads!) as
well as Benjamin Barber in A Passion for Democracy: American Essays and
the more conservative Walter Lippman (1937) The Good Society, I am
arguing that the philosophical and political basis for such a consensus
needs to be based on something substantive and not merely what arises
amongst the community of participants themselves, given the invariable
(and salutary!) pluralism characteristic of the divergent perspectives of
those engaged.
In Rawlsean terms, such consensus can never emerge through the plurality
of "comprehensive doctrines" that comprise the full range of the field.
The issue is whether or not there is a coordinating principle or
perspective, a profound minimalism that can evoke widespread agreement,
notwithstanding the notable differences in comprehensive doctrines.
On this list, both Catherine King and I have argued for the importance of
US constitutional democracy and the Commonwealth principles upon which
these are premised clearly a utopian vision (or in less dramatic terms,
an ideal) that can ground and guide praxis. That is (I am suggesting)
these principles represent an ideal or what William James refers to as a
"live hypothesis" grounded in the ethos of the US political culture and
axiomatic to its long term vitality.
With you, Tom, I agree that there are grounds for discriminating
discussions both with the more thoughtful and less polemical
neoconservatives both within the political and religious spheres. One of
the questions I have is whether the U.S. left is willing to embrace the
US constitutional and democratic traditions as a primary operative
framework for a critical engagement of the politics of literacy at least
as applied within the context of this nation's political culture
In terms of the political right, particularly given the emphasis on
patriotism, "American values," and a high respect, if not a deification
of the founding constitutional traditions, there is more than a little
room for serious and sustained dialogue, notwithstanding the specter of
false consciousness and hidden curriculums that many on the left,
attribute (not without reason) to the right. I also share much of this
skepticism; recall my recent post Science & Ideology at the USDE. Yet,
if our objective is strategic and pragmatic (and I'm drawing on the
philosophical pragmatic tradition here), then perhaps there are crevices
through which to identify some common ground--that ground being at least
in terms of broad principles, the US constitutional and democratic
tradition, however variously defined on the specifics:
"where words are not empty and deeds not brutal, where words are not used
to veil intentions but to disclose realities, and deeds are not used to
violate and destroy but to establish relations and create new realities"
(Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition).
All skepticism aside, the political object here is to hold the patriotic
right to its word and to insist upon a sincere and probing quest for "A
More Perfect Union" as the uttermost trajectory of the "American way of
life" and not to cede one inch of that ground to the neo-conservatives,
but to claim it as an American birthright. I believe this is exactly
what Jessie Jackson Jr. is doing in his new book. Let us also recall
that Martin Luther King Jr. drew on this fundamental birthright in his I
Have a Dream Speech. What a great neglect it is to cede such ground to
the neoconservatives in the name of skepticism or in the name of a
pedagogy of the oppressed which lacks the praxeological efficacy to
substantially insinuate itself within the political culture of this
country. Is not "A More Perfect Union" a much more viable nearer term
utopian vision for the United States of America than that of A Pedagogy
of the Oppressed" (Freire) or A Critical Pedagogy of the Opposition?
(Giroux)"
If so, a fleshing out of such politics both at the level of scholarship
and praxis will require much hard work, but an effort worth the sweat
equity if the result is a vibrant politics of literacy that can at least
provide the *framework* for a viable politics of literacy for the
democratic republic of the United States of America. Whether or not this
is viable I cannot say that I know.
One thing that I can say with near certainty is that unless this
tradition is plumbed to the depths and profoundly explored by the
moderate
left and right as well as the mainstream, I believe with every fiber of
my being that there is no practical consensus available in the land of
literacy in the United States of America. Whether that in itself is a
negative is also a matter of debate, but if under the guise of certain
streams of "realism" and cynicism the effort to work out a politics of
literacy out of this tradition is not seriously enjoined we will never
know experientially either the limits *or* the extent of its
possibilities. Let me rest on this point here.
In terms of other cultural resources with "our potential allies," given
the importance of the volunteer ethos in adult literacy and the ethos of
voluntarism as a powerful cultural ideal within the iconography of the
American imagination, there is a powerful bridge here between
conservatives and progressives to find common cause.
On this, I would emphasize two points. I think the progressive community
has the right to call the conservatives on the professed values to which
they attribute to this ethos. That is, if you truly believe in this
ethos "where words are not used to veil intentions but to disclose
realities" then commit to this value system with your heart, strength,
soul, mind, and pocket book and do not use it as a marginalizing veil
simply to promote an unrestrained capitalism. Voluntarism and greed do
not mix at the level "where words are...used to disclose realities."
I would also challenge the progressive left community to view the
voluntary
sector as a viable resource and rich cultural tradition, to participate
in its strengthening, to promote its values and embrace ut, not as a
panacea to rich governmental involvement in the social, economic issues
of the national life, but as a profound supplement.
Very closely related to the strengthening of the voluntary ethos is the
strengthening of mediating institutions as a primary contribution of
adult literacy education to the public good as reflected in the countless
ways that adult literacy learners experience life enhancement *in part*
as a result of increased literacy. Given the ethnographic research
tradition, it would be fairly easy to demonstrate with example after
example the many ways that adult literacy learners more effectively
enhance their own lives and those of others at work, home, and in the
community.
That is, it would be fairly easy to demonstrate if such efficacy were
viewed as valuable rather than consigned to the dustpins of marginality
by a certain way of looking at things that places cost-benefits
utilitarian counting ahead of both the inalienable rights of which
Chisman speaks and the "modest," but significant impact of adult literacy
in the places where people live. If I really wanted to play this card, I
could provide example after example that really gets at this, but will
pass for the purpose of staying focused on the core argument. Simply
put, the issue is not efficacy. Adult literacy education is efficacious
in the lives of individuals. Rather, it is a matter of values all the
way down. What counts is what is valued as worthy. Can we find a deeper
taproot to ground a public justification for adult literacy education
than that which currently exists? I believe we can as part and parcel of
the quest for "A More Perfect Union," the surface of which only, is
scratched in this message.
Finally Tom, to your last point in terms of alliances with the religious
community, I believe there are ways of tapping in here as well, which,
for those who are able and willing to draw on principles of biblical
social justice as articulated particularly by the great Hebrew Prophet,
Isaiah as well as in the Christian tradition in the teaching of Jesus,
there is a very profound rich resource. Great care would need to be
taken here on a variety of levels and for a variety of reasons. Yet the
religious communities could be a tremendous resource upon which to draw
to develop taproots of support for adult literacy, though on sharply
different grounds than that of a politics in quest to establish "A
More Perfect Union."
One common link though (since they have both secular and religious
referents) is the volunteer ethos and support of the strengthening of
mediating institutions. To put it in Rawlsean terms, one might say that
the religious communities have their own "comprehensive doctrines" to
which they must adhere in order to remain true to what they are. Yet
they can participate in the Overlapping Consensus based on constitutional
premises in alliance with others, say, advocates of critical pedagogy who
have their own comprehensive doctrines.
Thus, for the sake of discussion, both conservative Christians and
secular progressive advocates of the critical pedagogy persuasion can
find a common referent in support of adult literacy based upon the
political ideal of "A More Perfect Union" while being motivated more
comprehensively by their own contrasting visions and world views. Thus,
without this middling ground conservative Christians and secular
proponents of critical pedagogy would be consigned in one manner or
another to convert or beat the other (or short of that retreating into an
isolating enclave). Yet, if both are able to adhere to the ideal of A
More Perfect Union as an overlapping minimalism there very well may be
viable grounds for a mediating consensus.
However, we will never know unless this viewpoint is given full girth to
realize the potentiality resident in its vision. Do we dare puruse our
better angels in the quest for "A More Perfect Union? Senator Boxer, are
you listening yet?
George Demetrion
Political Philosopher in training
(snipit)
>Historically, the attitude on the Right concerning "the illiterate"
>had>everything to do with human capital and a mindset that these folks
>were>just plain lazy and could never be of any siginificant value to the
>society. However, these opinions and the policies flowing from them
>emanated largely from corporate-funded think-tanks. I think there are
>sectors on the Right...particularly rank and file church people...who
>identify with much of the Right's social agenda...but because these
>"losers" are friends, neighbors, and/or family members, they really do
>believe in the fundamental worth of this largely invisible group of
>people.
>
>
>How do we connect with these potential allies...many of whom are far
>more invested personally than many of us? I'm at a very local level; I
>don't have a sense of the national coalitions...or potential coalitions,
but I think progressive minded people need to be creative in looking at
who'swith us and who's agin' us. I know many of our literacy volunteers
are coming out of a religious mission and from their belief in the worth
and value of their students. There's got to be a way of tapping this
network.
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